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The Latino Vote

When comparing the Press Releases the Pew Hispanic sent out on October 5, 2010 and on November 3, 2010, one cannot but wonder. What is exactly the Latino vote? And do people really understand this Latino vote?

The Pew announced prior to the Congressional Elections that their research indicated that “65% of Latino registered voters say they plan to support the Democratic candidate in their local congressional district.” The findings pointed towards the prediction that in a year when support for Democratic candidates has eroded, the party’s standing among one key voting group—Latinos—appeared as strong as ever.

The latino vote and immigration reform principles. Photo Credit: www.truthdig.com

The latino vote and immigration reform principles. Photo Credit: www.truthdig.com

One month later, for Tuesday’s midterm elections, Hispanic vote makes history. For the first time ever, three Latino  candidates – all of them Republicans – won top statewide offices. In New Mexico, voters elected the nation’s first Latina governor, Republican Susana Martinez. In Nevada, Republican Brian Sandoval won the governor’s race and became Nevada’s first Hispanic governor. And in Florida, Republican Marco Rubio won the U.S. Senate race.

How much does this research predict what Latinos think in politics or who they will support? Everybody seems to believe that immigration is at the forefront in the Hispanic agenda. This survey shows that immigration does not rank as a top voting issue for Hispanics. Rather, they rank education, jobs and health care as their top three issues of concern for this year’s congressional campaign. Immigration ranks as the fifth most important issue for Latino registered voters and as the fourth most important issue for all Latinos.

Among the report’s other findings:

-Majorities of almost all demographic groups of Latino registered voters say they will vote for the Democratic Party candidate in their local congressional election Nov. 2. Only among Republican Latino registered voters does a majority (74%) say they will support the Republican congressional candidate.

-Some groups of Latino registered voters are more motivated than others to vote this year. More than six-in-ten (62%) of those who are ages 50 to 64 are absolutely certain they will vote, as are 61% of those who have at least some college education, 58% of those who are English dominant and 58% of Latino registered voters ages 65 or older.

-Fewer than four-in-ten (38%) of Latino registered voters who are Spanish dominant say they are absolutely certain to vote this year. This is lower than any other demographic group of Latino registered voters.

-Some six-in-ten (59%) Latino registered voters are dissatisfied with the direction the country is headed, down from 70% in July 2008 (Lopez and Minushkin, 2008a).

-Two-thirds (66%) of Latino registered voters say they talked about the immigration policy debate in the past year with someone they know. The report, based on a national survey of 1,375 Hispanic adults, including 618 registered voters, looks at Latinos’ partisan preferences in the congressional elections; their party identification; their level of voter motivation; and the issues they identify as important in the upcoming elections.

I believe that people should stop looking at Hispanics as one whole block where they all vote the same. Latinos are as varied as they come and their political preferences match their upbringing, the current situation, their education level, their country of origin’s political history and how it affected them and their acculturation levels.

by Claudia “Havi” Goffan

leadership

leadership

New Media Usage by Racial Category

Although cell phones are the form of new media used most for all segments, with 57% of Hispanics, 53% of African Americans, 53.9% of Asians and 49.4% of Whites regularly using, the similarities stop there.

New Media Usage by Racial Category

New Media Usage by Racial Category

Minorities have a higher regular usage of new media than Whites across all media types. They are more likely to use iPods, text on cell phones, play videogames, use video/picture phones, instant messaging online and watch videos on cell phones.

“Minorities are using new media in higher percentages, providing marketers with unique opportunities to create specific marketing plans that integrate non-traditional media options into their digital ad strategy,” Drenik said.

Source: BIGResearch

the right thing to do is not always the easiest

the right thing to do is not always the easiest

Do you know Guatemalans?

Flag of Guatemala

Flag of Guatemala

A total of 986,000 Hispanics of Guatemalan origin resided in the United States in 2008, according to the Census Bureau’s American Community Survey. Guatemalans in this statistical profile are people who self-identified as Hispanics of Guatemalan origin; this means either they themselves are Guatemalan immigrants or they trace their family ancestry to Guatemala. Guatemalans are the sixth-largest population of Hispanic origin living in the United States, accounting for 2.1% of the U.S. Hispanic population in 2008. Mexicans constituted 30.7 million, or 65.7%, of the Hispanic population.
1This statistical profile compares the demographic, income and economic characteristics of the Guatemalan population with the characteristics of all Hispanics and the U.S. population overall. It is based on Pew Hispanic Center tabulations of the 2008 American Community Survey. Key facts include:
• Immigration status. Seven-in-ten Guatemalans (69.4%) in the United States are foreign born compared with 38.1% of Hispanics and 12.5% of the U.S. population overall. Seven-in-ten of immigrants from Guatemala (69.6%) arrived in the U.S. in 1990 or later. Nearly one quarter of Guatemalan immigrants (23.8%) are U.S. citizens.
• Language. Four-in-ten Guatemalans (39.1%) speak English proficiently.2 Some 60.9% of Guatemalans ages 5 and older report speaking English less than very well, compared with 37.3% of all Hispanics.
• Age. Guatemalans are younger than the U.S. population and similar in age to Hispanics overall. The median age of Guatemalans is28; the median ages of the U.S. population and all Hispanics are 36 and 27, respectively.
• Marital status. Less than half of Guatemalans (44.6%) and Hispanics overall (46.5%) are married.
• Fertility. Four-in-ten (41.3%) Guatemalan women ages 15 to 44 who gave birth in the 12 months prior to the survey were unmarried. That was greater than the rate for all Hispanic women—38.8%—and the rate for U.S. women—34.5%.
• Regional dispersion. Four-in-ten Guatemalans (40.2%) live in the West, mostly in California (33.9%). One-third (32.4%) live in the South.
• Educational attainment. Guatemalans have lower levels of education than the Hispanic population overall. Some 53.6% of Guatemalans ages 25 and older—compared with 39.2% of all U.S. Hispanics—have not obtained at least a high school diploma.
• Income. The median annual personal earnings for Guatemalans ages 16 and older were $19,349 in 2008; the median earnings for all U.S. Hispanics were $21,488.
• Poverty status. The share of Guatemalans who live in poverty, 20.6%, is higher than the rate for the general U.S. population (12.7%) and similar to the share for all Hispanics (20.7%).
• Health Insurance. Nearly one-half of Guatemalans (47.9%) do not have health insurance compared with 31.7% of all Hispanics and 15.4% of the general U.S. population. Additionally, 22.8% of Guatemalans younger than 18 are uninsured.
• Homeownership. The rate of Guatemalan homeownership (35.6%) is lower than the rate for all Hispanics (49.1%) and the U.S. population (66.6%) as a whole. 1 Percentages are computed before numbers are rounded. 2 Guatemalans ages 5 and older who report speaking only English at home or speaking English very well.
Source: Pew Hispanic Center

Revealing facts on Mexican Hispanics

A total of 30.7 million Hispanics of Mexican origin resided in the United States in 2008, according to the Census Bureau’s American Community Survey. Mexicans in this statistical profile are people who self-identified as Hispanics of Mexican origin or Mexican Hispanics; this means either they themselves are Mexican immigrants or they trace their family ancestry to Mexico.  Mexicans are the largest population of Hispanic origin living in the United States, accounting for nearly two-thirds (65.7%) of the U.S. Hispanic population in 2008.

1 This statistical profile compares the demographic, income and economic characteristics of the Mexican Hispanics population with the characteristics of all Hispanics and the U.S. population overall. It is based on Pew Hispanic Center tabulations of the 2008 American Community Survey. Key facts include:

Immigration status. Nearly four-in-ten Mexicans (37.0%) in the United States are foreign born, compared with 38.1% of Hispanics and 12.5% of the U.S. population overall. Most immigrants from Mexico (63.4%) arrived in the U.S. in 1990 or later. Two-in-ten of Mexican immigrants (22.0%) are U.S. citizens.

Language. A majority of Mexicans (61.6%) speak English proficiently.

2 Some 38.4% of Mexicans ages 5 and older report speaking English less than very well, compared with 37.3% of all Hispanics.

Age. Mexican Hispanics are younger than the U.S. population and Hispanics overall. The median age of Mexican Hispanics is 25; the median ages of the U.S. population and all Hispanics are 36 and 27, respectively.

Marital status. Less than half of Mexican Hispanics (48.2%) and Hispanics overall (46.5%) are married.

1 Percentages are computed before numbers are rounded.

2 Mexicans ages 5 and older who report speaking only English at home or speaking English very well.

Fertility. Thirty-eight percent of Mexican women ages 15 to 44 who gave birth in the 12 months prior to the survey were unmarried. That was similar to the rate for all Hispanic women—38.8%—but greater than the rate for U.S. women—34.5%.

Regional dispersion. Nearly four-in-ten Mexicans (36.7%) live in California, and one-in-four (25.2%) live in Texas.

Educational attainment. Mexicans have lower levels of education than the Hispanic population overall. Nine percent of Mexican Hispanics ages 25 and older—compared with 12.9% of all U.S. Hispanics—have obtained at least a bachelor’s degree.

Income. The median annual personal earnings for Mexicans ages 16 and older were $20,368 in 2008; the median earnings for all U.S. Hispanics were $21,488.

Poverty status. The share of Mexicans who live in poverty, 22.3%, is higher than the rate for the general U.S. population (12.7%) and similar to the share for all Hispanics (20.7%).

Health Insurance. One-third of Mexicans (34.8%) do not have health insurance compared with 31.7% of all Hispanics and 15.4% of the general U.S. population. Additionally, 20.4% of Mexicans younger than 18 are uninsured.

Homeownership. The rate of Mexican homeownership (50.5%) is similar to the rate for all Hispanics (49.1%) but lower than the 66.6% rate for the U.S. population as a whole.
Source: Pew Hispanic

How Young Latinos Come of Age in America

Hispanics are the largest and youngest minority group in the United States. One- in-five schoolchildren is Hispanic. One-in-four newborns is Hispanic. Never before in this country’s history has a minority ethnic group made up so large a share of the youngest Americans. By force of numbers alone, the kinds of adults these young Latinos become will help shape the kind of society America becomes in the 21st century.

This report takes an in-depth look at Hispanics who are ages 16 to 25, a phase of life when young people make choices that — for better and worse — set their path to adulthood. For this particular ethnic group, it is also a time when they navigate the intricate, often porous borders between the two cultures they inhabit — American and Latin American.

The report explores the attitudes, values, social behaviors, family characteristics, economic well-being, educational attainment and labor force outcomes of these young Latinos. It is based on a new Pew Hispanic Center telephone survey of a nationally representative sample of 2,012 Latinos, supplemented by the Pew Hispanic Center’s analysis of government demographic, economic, education and health data sets.

The data paint a mixed picture. Young Latinos are satisfied with their lives, optimistic about their futures and place a high value on education, hard work and career success. Yet they are much more likely than other American youths to drop out of school and to become teenage parents. They are more likely than white and Asian youths to live in poverty. And they have high levels of exposure to gangs.

These are attitudes and behaviors that, through history, have often been associated with the immigrant experience. But most Latino youths are not immigrantsTwo-thirds were born in the United States, many of them descendants of the big, ongoing wave of Latin American immigrants who began coming to this country around 1965.

As might be expected, they do better than their foreign-born counterparts on many key economic, social and acculturation indicators analyzed in this report. They are much more proficient in English and are less likely to drop out of high school, live in poverty or become a teen parent.

But on a number of other measures, U.S.-born Latino youths do no better than the foreign born. And on some fronts, they do worse.

For example, native-born Latino youths are about twice as likely as the foreign born to have ties to a gang or to have gotten into a fight or carried a weapon in the past year. They are also more likely to be in prison.

The picture becomes even more murky when comparisons are made among youths who are first generation (immigrants themselves), second generation (U.S.-born children of immigrants) and third and higher generation (U.S.-born grandchildren or more far-removed descendants of immigrants).1

For example, teen parenthood rates and high school drop-out rates are much lower among the second generation than the first, but they appear higher among the third generation than the second. The same is true for poverty rates.

Identity and Assimilation

Throughout this nation’s history, immigrant assimilation has always meant something more than the sum of the sorts of economic and social measures outlined above. It also has a psychological dimension. Over the course of several generations, the immigrant family typically loosens its sense of identity from the old country and binds it to the new.

It is too soon to tell if this process will play out for today’s Hispanic immigrants and their offspring in the same way it did for the European immigrants of the 19th and early 20th centuries. But whatever the ultimate trajectory, it is clear that many of today’s Latino youths, be they first or second generation, are straddling two worlds as they adapt to the new homeland.

According to the Pew Hispanic Center’s National Survey of Latinos, more than half (52%) of Latinos ages 16 to 25 identify themselves first by their family’s country of origin, be it Mexico, Cuba, the Dominican Republican, El Salvador or any of more than a dozen other Spanish-speaking countries. An additional 20% generally use the terms “Hispanic” or “Latino” first when describing themselves. Only about one-in-four (24%) generally use the term “American” first.

Among the U.S.-born children of immigrants, “American” is somewhat more commonly used as a primary term of self-identification. Even so, just 33% of these young second generation Latinos use American first, while 21% refer to themselves first by the terms Hispanic or Latino, and the plurality — 41% — refer to themselves first by the country their parents left in order to settle and raise their children in this country.

Only in the third and higher generations do a majority of Hispanic youths (50%) use “American” as their first term of self-description.

Immigration in Historical Perspective

Measured in raw numbers, the modern Latin American-dominated immigration wave is by far the largest in U.S. history. Nearly 40 million immigrants have come to the United States since 1965. About half are from Latin America, a quarter from Asia and the remainder from Europe, Canada, the Middle East and Africa. By contrast, about 14 million immigrants came during the big Northern and Western European immigration wave of the 19th century and about 18 million came during the big Southern and Eastern European-dominated immigration wave of the early 20th century.2

However, the population of the United States was much smaller during those earlier waves. When measured against the size of the U.S. population during the period when the immigration occurred, the modern wave’s average annual rate of 4.6 new immigrants per 1,000 population falls well below the 7.7 annual rate that prevailed in the mid- to late 19th century and the 8.8 rate at the beginning of the 20th century.

All immigration waves produce backlashes of one kind or another, and the latest one is no exception. Illegal immigration, in particular, has become a highly-charged political issue in recent times. It is also a relatively new phenomenon; past immigration waves did not generate large numbers of illegal immigrants because the U.S. imposed fewer restrictions on immigration flow in the past than it does now.

The current wave may differ from earlier waves in other ways as well. More than a few immigration scholars have voiced skepticism that the children and grandchildren of today’s Hispanic immigrants will enjoy the same upward mobility experienced by the offspring of European immigrants in previous centuries.3

Their reasons vary, and not all are consistent with one another. Some scholars point to structural changes in modern economies that make it more difficult for unskilled laborers to climb into the middle class. Some say the illegal status of so many of today’s immigrants is a major obstacle to their upward mobility. Some say the close proximity of today’s sending countries and the relative ease of modern global communication reduce the felt need of immigrants and their families to acculturate to their new country. Some say the fatalism of Latin American cultures is a poor fit in a society built on Anglo-Saxon values. Some say that America’s growing tolerance for cultural diversity may encourage modern immigrants and their offspring to retain ethnic identities that were seen by yesterday’s immigrants as a handicap. (The melting pot is dead. Long live the salad bowl.) Alternatively, some say that Latinos’ brown skin makes assimilation difficult in a country where white remains the racial norm.

It will probably take at least another generation’s worth of new facts on the ground to know whether these theories have merit. But it is not too soon to take some snapshots and lay down some markers. This report does so by assembling a wide range of empirical evidence (some generated by our own new survey; some by our analysis of government data) and subjecting it to a series of comparisons: between Latinos and non-Latinos; between young Latinos and older Latinos; between foreign-born Latinos and native-born Latinos; and between first, second, and third and higher generations of Latinos.

The generational analyses presented here do not compare the outcomes of individual Latino immigrants with those of their own children or grandchildren. Instead, our generational analysis compares today’s young Latino immigrants with today’s children and grandchildren of yesterday’s immigrants. As such, the report can provide some insights into the intergenerational mobility of an immigrant group over time. But it cannot fully disentangle the many factors that may help explain the observed patterns-be they compositional effects (the different skills, education levels and other forms of human capital that different cohorts of immigrants bring) or period effects (the different economic conditions that confront immigrants in different time periods).

Readers should be especially careful when interpreting findings about the third and higher generation, for this is a very diverse group. We estimate that about 40% are the grandchildren of Latin American immigrants, while the remainder can trace their roots in this country much farther back in time.

For some in this mixed group, endemic poverty and its attendant social ills have been a part of their families, barrios and colonias for generations, even centuries. Meantime, others in the third and higher generation have been upwardly mobile in ways consistent with the generational trajectories of European immigrant groups. Because the data we use in this report do not allow us to separate out the different demographic sub-groups within the third and higher generation, the overall numbers we present are averages that often mask large variances within this generation.

Source: Pew Hispanic Center

Hispanics still underrepresented in Corporate America

The Hispanic Association for Corporate Responsibility (HACR) to release findings of its Corporate Inclusion Index survey in partnership with the Congressional Hispanic Caucus Corporate America Task Force

Only 6% out of 384 open board positions are held by Hispanics. And of the 1,281 executive and director positions available, Hispanics held only 61 positions.

Only 6% out of 384 open board positions are held by Hispanics. And of the 1,281 executive and director positions available, Hispanics held only 61 positions.

The Hispanic Association for Corporate Responsibility (HACR), one of the most influential advocacy organizations in the nation representing 13 national Hispanic organizations in the United States and Puerto Rico, will release the finding of its 2009 HACR Corporate Inclusion Index survey (CII), Wednesday, December 16th at 11:30 am at the Cannon House Office Building, Room 121, Independence Avenue and 1st Street, SE.

As part of the HACR Corporate Accountability Strategy that was adopted early this year, the CII was conducted to measure all Fortune 100 companies and HACR corporate partners, relative to their Hispanic inclusion strategies within the corporation’s business model. Over the past few years, HACR has been working closely with the Congressional Hispanic Caucus (CHC) Corporate America Task Force on Hispanic inclusion in Corporate America.
“While the Hispanic community continues to make strides in our country, we are still not represented on corporate boards, upper management, and key decision-making positions in the  most successful and largest corporations in the United States,” said HACR Chairman Ignacio Salazar, president and CEO of SER Jobs for Progress, headquartered in Dallas, TX.  “Fortune 100 companies can no longer ignore the largest and fastest-growing ethnic group in the United States because to do so is not only bad business, it is irresponsible.”

The CII survey focused on four key areas that are reflective of the mission of HACR’s corporate responsibility and community reciprocity: employment, procurement, philanthropy, and governance.

HACR’s CII shows that of those surveyed, only 6% out of 384 open board positions are held by Hispanics. And of the 1,281 executive and director positions available, Hispanics held only 61 positions.

In the area of philanthropic giving, the CII revealed that the average corporate giving distributed in 2008 was approximately $68 million – only 2.5% was directed to the Hispanic community.

And finally, the survey also found that there remains a discrepancy in earnings paid to Hispanic and non-Hispanics. On average, Hispanics are earning $12,000 less for a full-time position.

“HACR commends the Fortune 100 and HACR Corporate member companies for participating in the 2009 HACR Corporate Index Survey.” said HACR President and CEO, Carlos Orta “We are confident that those companies that did not participate this year will do so in the future; if for no other reason than to lend credence to their claims of being “leaders” in their respective industries.”

The 2009 HACR Corporate Inclusion Index survey will be available for download on HACR’s website, www.HACR.org, on Wednesday afternoon. The data collected from HACR’s CII survey, was voluntarily submitted by Fortune 100 and HACR corporate member companies.

MEDIA CONTACT:

Teresa Chaurand

816-582-3130 cell

Source: HACR