Ecuadorians in this statistical profile are people who self-identified as Hispanics of Ecuadorian origin; this means either they themselves are Ecuadorian immigrants or they trace their family ancestry to Ecuador. Ecuadorians are the ninth-largest population of Hispanic origin living in the United States, accounting for 1.3% of the U.S. Hispanic population in 2008.

A total of 591,000 Hispanics of Ecuadorian origin resided in the United States in 2008, according to the Census Bureau’s American Community Survey.

Mexicans constituted 30.7 million, or 65.7%, of the Hispanic population.1

This statistical profile compares the demographic, income and economic characteristics of the Ecuadorian population with the characteristics of all Hispanics and the U.S. population overall. It is based on Pew Hispanic Center tabulations of the 2008 American Community Survey. Key facts include:

• Immigration status. Two-thirds of Ecuadorians (66.4%) in the United States are foreign born compared with 38.1% of Hispanics and 12.5% of the U.S. population overall. Two-thirds of immigrants from Ecuador (66.2%) arrived in the U.S. in 1990 or later. Nearly four-in-ten Ecuadorian immigrants (37.2%) are U.S. citizens.

• Language. Less than half of Ecuadorians (49.1%) speak English proficiently.2 Some 50.9% of Ecuadorians ages 5 and older report speaking English less than very well, compared with 37.3% of all Hispanics.

• Age. Ecuadorians are younger than the U.S. population and older than Hispanics overall. The median age of Ecuadorians is 32; the median ages of the U.S. population and all Hispanics are 36 and 27, respectively.

• Marital status. Ecuadorians are more likely than Hispanics overall to be married—50.7% versus 46.5%.

• Fertility. Two-in-ten (20.8%) of Ecuadorian women ages 15 to 44 who gave birth in the 12 months prior to the survey were unmarried. That was less than the rate for all Hispanic women—38.8%—and the rate for U.S. women—34.5%.

• Regional dispersion. Two-thirds of Ecuadorians (68.0%) live in the Northeast, and more than four-in-ten (42.5%) live in New York.

• Educational attainment. Ecuadorians have higher levels of education than the Hispanic population overall. Some 18.2% of Ecuadorians ages 25 and older—compared with 12.9% of all U.S. Hispanics—have obtained at least a bachelor’s degree.

• Income. The median annual personal earnings for Ecuadorians ages 16 and older were $23,423 in 2008; the median earnings for all U.S. Hispanics were $21,488.

• Poverty status. The share of Ecuadorians who live in poverty, 13.5%, is similar to the rate for the general U.S. population (12.7%) and below the 20.7% share among all Hispanics.

• Health Insurance. One-third of Ecuadorians (34.7%) do not have health insurance compared with 31.7% of all Hispanics and 15.4% of the general U.S. population. Additionally, 16.4% of Ecuadorians younger than 18 are uninsured.

• Homeownership. The rate of Ecuadorian homeownership (40.3%) is lower than the rate for all Hispanics (49.1%) and the U.S. population (66.6%) as a whole.

Peruvians in this statistical profile are people who self-identified as Hispanics of Peruvian origin; this means either they themselves are Peruvian immigrants or they trace their family

A total of 519,000 Hispanics of Peruvian origin resided in the United States in 2008, according to the Census Bureau’s American Community Survey.

ancestry to Peru. Peruvians are the tenth-largest population of Hispanic origin living in the United States, accounting for 1.1% of the U.S. Hispanic population in 2008. Mexicans constituted 30.7 million, or 65.7%, of the Hispanic population.1

This statistical profile compares the demographic, income and economic characteristics of the Peruvian population with the characteristics of all Hispanics and the U.S. population overall. It is based on Pew Hispanic Center tabulations of the 2008 American Community Survey. Key facts include:

• Immigration status. Seven-in-ten Peruvians (69.3%) in the United States are foreign born compared with 38.1% of Hispanics and 12.5% of the U.S. population overall. Two-thirds of immigrants from Peru (66.1%) arrived in the U.S. in 1990 or later. Four-in-ten Peruvian immigrants (42.3%) are U.S. citizens.

• Language. A majority of Peruvians (55.1%) speak English proficiently.2 Some 44.9% of Peruvians ages 5 and older report speaking English less than very well, compared with 37.3% of all Hispanics.

• Age. Peruvians are similar in age to the U.S. population and older than Hispanics overall. The median age of Peruvians is 35; the median ages of the U.S. population and all Hispanics are 36 and 27, respectively.

• Marital status. Peruvians are more likely than Hispanics overall to be married—50.7% versus 46.5%.

• Fertility. Two-in-ten Peruvian women (19.6%) ages 15 to 44 who gave birth in the 12 months prior to the survey were unmarried. That was less than the rate for all Hispanic women—38.8%—and the rate for U.S. women—34.5%.

• Regional dispersion. Peruvians are more geographically dispersed than other Hispanic origin groups. Two-in-ten Peruvians (19.8%) live in Florida and one-in-six (16.8%) live in California; some one-in-eight live in New Jersey (12.9%) and New York (12.3%).

• Educational attainment. Peruvians have higher levels of education than the Hispanic population overall. Some 29.8% of Peruvians ages 25 and older—compared with 12.9% of all U.S. Hispanics—have obtained at least a bachelor’s degree.

• Income. The median annual personal earnings for Peruvians ages 16 and older were $24,441 in 2008; the median earnings for all U.S. Hispanics were $21,488.

• Poverty status. The share of Peruvians who live in poverty, 9.5%, is lower than the rate of the general U.S. population (12.7%) and the rate among all Hispanics (20.7%).

• Health Insurance. Three-in-ten Peruvians (30.2%) do not have health insurance compared with 31.7% of all Hispanics and 15.4% of the general U.S. population. Additionally, 20.0% of Peruvians younger than 18 are uninsured.

• Homeownership. The rate of Peruvian homeownership (50.1%) is similar to the rate for all Hispanics (49.1%) but lower than the 66.6% rate for the U.S. population as a whole.

Hondurans in this statistical profile are people who self-identified as Hispanics of Honduran origin; this means either they themselves are Honduran immigrants or they trace their

A total of 608,000 Hispanics of Honduran origin resided in the United States in 2008, according to the Census Bureau’s American Community Survey.

family ancestry to Honduras. Hondurans are the eighth-largest population of Hispanic origin living in the United States, accounting for 1.3% of the U.S. Hispanic population in 2008. Mexicans constituted 30.7 million, or 65.7%, of the Hispanic population.1

This statistical profile compares the demographic, income and economic characteristics of the Honduran population with the characteristics of all Hispanics and the U.S. population overall. It is based on Pew Hispanic Center tabulations of the 2008 American Community Survey. Key facts include:

• Immigration status. Seven-in-ten Hondurans (68.6%) in the United States are foreign born compared with 38.1% of Hispanics and 12.5% of the U.S. population overall. Three-in-four immigrants from Honduras (74.0%) arrived in the U.S. in 1990 or later. Two-in-ten Honduran immigrants (21.9%) are U.S. citizens.

• Language. Four-in-ten Hondurans (39.7%) speak English proficiently.2 Some 60.3% of Hondurans ages 5 and older report speaking English less than very well, compared with 37.3% of all Hispanics.

• Age. Hondurans are younger than the U.S. population and similar in age to Hispanics overall. The median age of Hondurans is 28; the median ages of the U.S. population and all Hispanics are 36 and 27, respectively.

• Marital status. Hondurans are less likely than Hispanics overall to be married—40.6% versus 46.5%.

• Fertility. Four-in-ten (42.5%) of Honduran women ages 15 to 44 who gave birth in the 12 months prior to the survey were unmarried. That was greater than the rate for all Hispanic women—38.8%—and the rate for U.S. women—34.5%.

• Regional dispersion. A majority of Hondurans (54.9%) live in the South, mostly in Florida and Texas. Some one-in-eight Hondurans (12.9%) live in California and in New York (12.5%).

• Educational attainment. Hondurans have lower levels of education than the Hispanic population overall. Some 50.0% of Hondurans ages 25 and older—compared with 39.2% of all U.S. Hispanics—have not obtained at least a high school diploma.

• Income. The median annual personal earnings for Hondurans ages 16 and older were $19,349 in 2008; the median earnings for all U.S. Hispanics were $21,488.

• Poverty status. The share of Hondurans who live in poverty, 21.5%, is higher than the rate for the general U.S. population (12.7%) and similar to the rate for Hispanics overall (20.7%).

• Health Insurance. One-half of Hondurans (49.3%) do not have health insurance compared with 31.7% of all Hispanics and 15.4% of the general U.S. population. Additionally, 26.4% of Hondurans younger than 18 are uninsured.

• Homeownership. The rate of Honduran homeownership (33.9%) is lower than the rate for all Hispanics (49.1%) and the U.S. population (66.6%) as a whole.

A total of 882,000 Hispanics of Colombian origin resided in the United States in 2008, according to the Census Bureau’s American Community Survey.

A total of 882,000 Hispanics of Colombian origin resided in the United States in 2008, according to the Census Bureau’s American Community Survey.

Colombians in this statistical profile are people who self-identified as Hispanics of Colombian origin; this means either they themselves are Colombian immigrants or they trace their family ancestry to Colombia. Colombians are the seventh-largest population of Hispanic origin living in the United States, accounting for 1.9% of the U.S. Hispanic population in 2008. Mexicans constituted 30.7 million, or 65.7%, of the Hispanic population.1

This statistical profile compares the demographic, income and economic characteristics of the Colombian population with the characteristics of all Hispanics and the U.S. population overall. It is based on Pew Hispanic Center tabulations of the 2008 American Community Survey. Key facts include:

• Immigration status. Two-thirds of Colombians (66.5%) in the United States are foreign born compared with 38.1% of Hispanics and 12.5% of the U.S. population overall. Most immigrants from Colombia (58.7%) arrived in the U.S. in 1990 or later. Less than half of Colombian immigrants (48.8%) are U.S. citizens.

• Language. A majority of Colombians (57.5%) speak English proficiently.2 Some 42.5% of Colombians ages 5 and older report speaking English less than very well, compared with 37.3% of all Hispanics

• Age. Colombians are older than Hispanics overall. The median age of  Colombians is 36, which is the same as the median ages of the U.S. population; the median age of all Hispanics is 27.

• Marital status. Colombians are more likely than Hispanics overall to be married—50.4% versus 46.5%.

• Fertility. One-in-five (21.6%) Colombian women ages 15 to 44 who gave birth in the 12 months prior to the survey were unmarried. That was less than the rate for all Hispanic women—38.8%—and the rate for U.S. women—34.5%.

• Regional dispersion. Colombians are concentrated in the South (46.8%), mostly in Florida (31.9%), and in the Northeast (37.3%), mostly in New York (16.1%) and New Jersey (12.9%).

• Educational attainment. Colombians have higher levels of education than the Hispanic population overall. Some 30.3% of Colombians ages 25 and older—compared with 12.9% of all U.S. Hispanics—have obtained at least a bachelor’s degree.

• Income. The median annual personal earnings for Colombians ages 16 and older were $25,460 in 2008; the median earnings for all U.S. Hispanics were $21,488.

• Poverty status. The share of Colombians who live in poverty, 11.0%, is similar to the rate for the general U.S. population (12.7%) and lower than the rate for Hispanics overall (20.7%).

• Health Insurance. One-quarter of Colombians (26.4%) do not have health insurance compared with 31.7% of all Hispanics and 15.4% of the general U.S. population. Additionally, 16.6% of Colombians younger than 18 are uninsured.

• Homeownership. The rate of Colombian homeownership (53.0%) is higher than the rate for all Hispanics (49.1%) but lower than the 66.6% rate for the U.S. population as a whole.

Claudia Goffan

Here is the article:

The children of Hispanic immigrants tend to be born healthy and start life on an intellectual par with other American children, but by the age of 2 they begin to lag in linguistic and cognitive skills, a new study by researchers at the University of California, Berkeley, shows.

Hispanic Immigrants’ Children Fall Behind Peers Early, Study Finds

The study highlights a paradox that has bedeviled educators and Hispanic families for some time. By and large, mothers from Latin American countries take care of their health during their pregnancies and give birth to robust children, but those children fall behind their peers in mental development by the time they reach grade school, and the gap tends to widen as they get older.

The new Berkeley study suggests the shortfall may start even before the children enter preschool, supporting calls in Washington to spend more on programs that coach parents to stimulate their children with books, drills and games earlier in their lives.

“Our results show a very significant gap even at age 3,” said Bruce Fuller, one of the study’s authors and a professor of education at Berkeley. “If we don’t attack this disparity early on, these kids are headed quickly for a pretty dismal future in elementary school.”

Professor Fuller said blacks and poor whites also lagged behind the curve, suggesting that poverty remained a factor in predicting how well a young mind develops. But the drop-off in the cognitive scores of Hispanic toddlers, especially those from Mexican backgrounds, was steeper than for other groups and could not be explained by economic status alone, he said.

One possible explanation is that a high percentage of Mexican and Latin American immigrant mothers have less formal schooling than the average American mother, white or black, the study’s authors said. These mothers also tend to have more children than middle-class American families, which means the toddlers get less one-on-one attention from their parents.

“The reading activities, educational games and performing the ABCs for Grandma — so often witnessed in middle-class homes — are less consistently seen in poor Latino households,” Professor Fuller said.

The study is based on data collected on 8,114 infants born in 2001 and tracked through the first two years of life by the National Center for Education Statistics. The findings will be published this week in Maternal and Child Health Journal, and a companion report will appear this fall in the medical journal Pediatrics.

The analysis showed that at 9 to 15 months, Hispanic and white children performed equally on tests of basic cognitive skills, like understanding their mother’s speech and using words and gestures. But from 24 to 36 months, the Hispanic children fell about six months behind their white peers on measures like word comprehension, more complex speech and working with their mothers on simple tasks.

The study comes as the Obama administration has been pushing for more money to help prepare infants and toddlers for school. In September, the House passed an initiative that would channel $8 billion over eight years to states with plans to improve programs serving young children.

In addition, the economic stimulus package included $3 billion for Head Start preschools and for the Early Head Start program, which helps young parents stimulate their children’s mental development.

Eugene Garcia, an education professor at Arizona State University, said the Berkeley-led study confirmed findings by others that the children of Hispanic immigrants, for reasons that remain unclear, tend to fall behind white students by as much as a grade level by the third grade.

“It seems like what might be the most helpful with Latino kids is early intervention,” Dr. Garcia said.

Carmen Rodriguez, the director of the Columbia University Head Start in New York City, said there was a waiting list of parents, most of them Hispanic, who want to take Early Head Start classes with their children.

Dr. Rodriguez said the study’s findings might reflect a surge in interest in early childhood education on the part of middle-class Americans, rather than any deficiency in the immigrant homes.

“Any low-income toddler is disadvantaged if they don’t get this kind of stimulation,” she said.

Source: The New York Times – By James McKinley Jr.

A new study from The Pew Charitable Trusts’ Philadelphia Research Initiative finds that Philadelphia is lagging behind other major cities in mounting the kind of local outreach and awareness campaign for the 2010 Census that many experts consider important for achieving a full count.

Pew Report Examines Census Preparations in Philadelphia and Other Major Cities

The study, Preparing for the 2010 Census: How Philadelphia and Other Cities Are Struggling and Why It Matters, looked at the preparations of Philadelphia and 10 other major cities for the 2010 Census. These include the five cities with larger populations than Philadelphia–New York, Los Angeles, Chicago, Houston and Phoenix–and five chosen for their similarities to Philadelphia and their experience in dealing with the Census–Atlanta, Baltimore, Boston, Detroit and Pittsburgh.

The report finds that almost all of the cities studied have less money and fewer staffers for this Census than they did in 2000.

“Census preparation really matters,” said Thomas Ginsberg, project manager of Pew’s Philadelphia Research Initiative. “The outreach efforts are a cross between an election campaign and a municipal self-promotion drive, with very real ramifications that will be felt for the next 10 years.”

Philadelphia officials are planning to announce their local outreach campaign soon. And officials interviewed for the study say they are confident of their ability to catch up and conduct an effective outreach effort. In addition, they have launched the city’s first-ever challenge to the official population estimates the U.S. Census Bureau issues each year. The challenge, if fully accepted by the bureau, would produce a number showing that Philadelphia’s population is now growing after six decades of decline.

Seven of the other 10 cities had appointed or hired Census coordinators by last summer and had launched their citywide coordinating committees by early October. The other three–Boston, Chicago and Detroit–already are lined up to receive considerable financial and organizing support from local and statewide donor networks established specifically for the Census.

Preparing for the 2010 Census lays out what is at stake for cities: Without strong outreach and technical preparation by cities, the Census Bureau may have trouble improving its urban counts over previous Censuses and raising the below-average rate at which residents participate in its official once-a-decade count. That could lead to greater undercounts of certain groups or an entire city, which in turn would affect the population basis on which billions of tax dollars will be distributed over the coming decade and by which legislative seats–federal, state and local–will be allocated in 2011.

The stakes are particularly high in Philadelphia and other big cities that have high concentrations of the hard-to-count groups, including renters, immigrants, African Americans and Hispanics. According to an analysis conducted for the Philadelphia Research Initiative by Temple University statistician Eugene P. Ericksen, the Census Bureau likely undercounted Philadelphia’s population by an estimated 8,326 people a decade ago, or about 0.5 percent. Many of the other cities included in the report had similar or larger estimated undercounts.

About $430 billion in federal funds were distributed to local governments and residents in fiscal 2008, the last year for which such numbers are available, based at least in part on Census data. Analysts at the Brookings Institution say that Philadelphia and its residents received about $2,796 per capita, through Medicaid, housing vouchers, transportation funding and other programs. Due to the ways that the funding formulas work, the amount of money that would be generated by counting additional Philadelphians would be less than $2,796. But how much less is hard to say. It would depend on numerous factors, including the demographic characteristics of the individuals.

Apart from outreach campaigns, the study found that all 11 cities, including Philadelphia, have been participating in the voluntary technical Census Bureau programs that many experts consider more important to achieving a full count. The programs include a massive updating of household addresses, through which the cities submitted more than 1.5 million new or corrected addresses for the bureau to target next spring.

“For Philadelphia, a significant impact of the Census results could be in terms of the city’s psyche and its ability to promote itself. The city would get a lift if the headcount in 2010–or the challenge being launched over the recent population estimates–shows a population gain,” said Ginsberg. The count in 2000 was 1,517,550, and the most recent estimate was 1,447,395. The city’s challenge contends the recent figure should have been 1,536,171, higher than either previous figure. The Census Bureau is expected to rule on the city’s figure by the end of 2009. Pew’s research found that many cities have no plans to appropriate any public funds specifically for Census preparations; this is the case in Philadelphia, Atlanta, Boston, Chicago, Detroit and Pittsburgh, although all of those cities, including Philadelphia, expect to make use of existing staff and resources with some staff help from the Census Bureau. A decade ago, the city put in $200,000 and received $165,000 in philanthropic donations.

The shortfalls are leading many cities to rely on unpaid volunteers and grassroots organizing even more than in the past. City officials in Philadelphia are still hoping to receive funds from private sources. The William Penn Foundation has committed $12,350 for data analysis; city and Census Bureau officials held an initial briefing with other potential local funders in late September.

About the Report

To prepare this report, Thomas Ginsberg, project manager of Pew’s Philadelphia Research Initiative, studied numerous reports about the Census and talked to officials at the Census Bureau, independent experts and officials in Philadelphia and the 10 other cities. The report includes independent work done by Eugene P. Ericksen of Temple University, a nationally-recognized expert in assessing the accuracy of the Census, and by the Brookings Institution.

About The Philadelphia Research Initiative

The Philadelphia Research Initiative was created by Pew in fall 2008 to study critical issues facing Philadelphia and provide impartial research and analysis for the benefit of decision makers, the news media and the public. The initiativeconducts public opinion polling, produces in-depth reports, and publishes briefs that illuminate front-and-center issues.

About Pew

The Pew Charitable Trusts (www.pewtrusts.org) is driven by the power of knowledge to solve today’s most challenging problems. Pew applies a rigorous, analytical approach to improve public policy, inform the public and stimulate civic life. We partner with a diverse range of donors, public and private organizations and concerned citizens who share ourcommitment to fact-based solutions and goal-driven investments to improve society.

SOURCE Pew Charitable Trusts

How Attached Are Latino Immigrants to Their Native Country?

Most Latino immigrants maintain some kind of connection to their native country by sending remittances, traveling back or telephoning relatives, but the extent of their attachment varies considerably. Only one-in-ten (9%) do all three of these so-called transnational activities; these immigrants can be considered highly attached to their home country. A much larger minority (28%) of foreign-born Latinos is involved in none of these activities and can be considered to have a low level of engagement with the country of origin. Most Latino immigrants (63%) show moderate attachment to their home country; they engage in one or two of these activities.

Latino immigrants who have been in the U.S. for decades and those who arrived as children are less connected than those who arrived more recently or migrated as adults. There are also significant differences by country of origin, with Colombians and Dominicans maintaining more active connections than Mexicans, and with Cubans having the least contact.

Whether Latino immigrants maintain active, moderate or limited connections is an important marker of their attitudes toward the U.S., their native country and their own lives as migrants. Those with the highest levels of engagement have deeper attachments to their country of origin than immigrants whose connections are less robust. They also have more favorable views of their native country in comparisons with the U.S. Nonetheless, a clear majority of even these immigrants see their future in the U.S. rather than in the countries from which they come.

Most Latino immigrants reveal moderate levels of engagement with the home country–both in the extent of their transnational activities and in their attitudes. They maintain some connections to the country of their birth through such activities as sending money or phoning regularly. And their opinions blend optimism about life in the U.S. and positive evaluations of some aspects of American society (notably political traditions) with less favorable comparisons to their native land on other aspects (such as morals). Their attachments and identities are a mix of views that might be expected of people navigating an emotional terrain that encompasses two nations. That mix differs in several important respects, with people who have been in the U.S. longer being more ready than recent arrivals to declare this country their homeland and to describe themselves as Americans.

The Pew Hispanic Center’s 2006 National Survey of Latinos collected data on a variety of transnational activities and a wide range of attitudes and beliefs. This report is based on a new analysis of that survey data, which for the first time examines the extent to which Latino immigrants with different characteristics maintain connections to their native lands and assesses how different levels of transnational activities are associated with an immigrant’s views on key subjects. The analysis thus explores the question of whether maintaining connections to a country of origin is associated with more positive or negative views of the U.S., a greater or lesser sense of attachment to this country and a stronger or weaker sense of identity as an American.

Source: Pew Hispanic Center – Roger Waldinger, University of California, Los Angeles

When the younger Gonzalez’s grandparents emigrated from Mexico around 1910, they initially planned on returning, he said at the debut of Historias, a project of StoryCorps, a nonprofit oral history group that records stories of everyday Americans.

“I want to talk about how my father sought that more complete assimilation and the obstacles he had to face and his generation’s contribution to allowing me to do what I do today,” Gonzalez said.

StoryCorps officially launched Historias, which will be archived at the Library of Congress, at a ceremony that featured talks by, among others, House members of Latino descent.

Speakers praised the project and StoryCorps’ past efforts, saying that the stories of everyday people preserve the American experience and that the new initiative offers the often-ignored Latino community a chance to participate.

“We believe that much of what we have contributed and what we continue to contribute — if it is found in whatever history, oral or otherwise — is a footnote,” Gonzalez said. “I think this goes a long way to remedy that situation.”

Rep. Xavier Becerra, D-Calif., spoke about how two recent projects on World War II — Ken Burns’ documentary “The War” and Tom Brokaw’s book “The Greatest Generation” — did not include much about Latinos, a trend that Becerra has noticed since he was young.

“I think Historias does something very important for us: It tells us who we are,” Becerra said.

Rep. Jose Serrano, D-N.Y., spoke of how his immigrant father responded to a friend’s comment that he was lucky to have successful children.

“My father, in the most wonderful broken English, said, ‘I busted my back to get lucky,’” Serrano said.

It is necessary to gather the stories of as many everyday Latinos as possible, Gonzalez said.

“An untold history makes for an incomplete history and thus an incomplete lesson,” he said.

“It’s a lesson for all of us, for those who have been here for many years to appreciate the contribution made by others, but also for the new arrivals because there will always be new arrivals in this country,” Gonzalez said after the event. “I think it’s going to be a source of inspiration, and lessons will be learned that will benefit all Americans.”

Recordings for Historias will take place in more than 20 cities across America during the next year.

The project will record oral histories in Texas, starting with Austin and Houston in November, Brownsville in May and San Antonio in June.

Those interested in participating in the project can call StoryCorps at (800) 850-4406.

By Drew Joseph – Hearst Newspapers

U.S. Population Projections: 2005–2050 - What will the U.S. look like in 2050?

U.S. Population Projections: 2005–2050

Population and Immigration

• Between 2005 and 2050, the nation’s population will increase to 438 million from 296 million, a rise of 142 million people that represents growth of 48%.

• Immigrants who arrive after 2005, and their U.S.-born descendants, account for 82% of the projected national population increase during the 2005–2050 period.

• Of  the 117 additional people attributable to the effect of new immigration, 67 million will be the immigrants themselves and 50 million will be their U.S.-born children and grandchildren

• The nation’s foreign-born population, 36 million in 2005, is projected to rise to 81 million in 2050, growth of 129%.

• In 2050, nearly one in five Americans (19%) will be an immigrant, compared with one in eight now (12% in 2005).

• The foreign-born share of the nation’s population will exceed historic highs sometime between 2020 and 2025, when it reaches 15%. The historic peak share was 14.7% in 1910 and 14.8% in 1890.

• Births in the United States will play a growing role in Hispanic and Asian population growth, so a diminishing proportion of both groups will be foreign-born.

Racial and Ethnic Groups

• The Hispanic population, 42 million in 2005, will rise to 128 million in 2050, tripling in size. Latinos will be 29% of the population, compared with 14% in 2005. Latinos will account for 60% of the nation’s population growth from 2005 to 2050.

• The black population, 38 million in 2005, will grow to 59 million in 2050, a rise of 56%. In 2050, the nation’s population will be 13.4% black, compared with 12.8% in 2005.

• The Asian population, 14 million in 2005, will grow to 41 million in 2050, nearly tripling in size. In 2050, the nation’s population will be 9% Asian, compared with 5% in 2005. Most Asians in the United States were foreign born in 2005 (58%), but by 2050, fewer than half (47%) will be.

• The white, non-Hispanic population, 199 million in 2005, will grow to 207 million in 2050, a 4% increase. In 2050, 47% of the U.S. population will be non-Hispanic white, compared with 67% in 2005.

Age Groups

• The working-age population—adults ages 18 to 64—will reach 255 million in 2050, up from 186 million in 2005. This segment will grow more slowly over the projection period (37%) than the overall population. Future immigrants and their descendants will account for all growth in this group.

• Among working-age adults, the foreign-born share, 15% in 2005, will rise to 23% in 2050. The Hispanic share, 14% in 2005, will increase to 31% in 2050. The non-Hispanic white share, 68% in 2005, will decline to 45% in 2050.

• The nation’s population of children ages 17 and younger will rise to 102 million in 2050, up from 73 million in 2005. The child population will grow more slowly in future decades (39%) than will the overall population. Future immigrants and their descendants will account for all growth in this population segment.

• Among children, the share who are immigrants or who have an immigrant parent will rise to 34% in 2050 from 23% in 2005. The share of children who are Hispanic, 20% in 2005, will rise to 35% in 2050. Non-Hispanic whites, who make up 59% of today’s children, will be 40% of children in 2050.

• The nation’s elderly population— people ages 65 and older—will grow to 81 million in 2050, up from 37 million in 2005. This group will grow more rapidly than the overall population, so its share will increase to 19% in 2050, from 12% in 2005. Immigration will account for only a small part of that growth.

• The dependency ratio—the number of people of working age, compared with the number of young and elderly—will rise sharply, mainly because of growth in the elderly population. There were 59 children and elderly people per 100 adults of working age in 2005. That will rise to 72 dependents per 100 adults of working age in 2050.

Alternative Projection Scenarios

• Under a lower-immigration scenario, the total population would rise to 384 million, the foreign-born share would stabilize at 13% and the Hispanic share would go up to 26% in 2050.

• Under a higher-immigration scenario, the total population would rise to 496 million, the foreign-born share would rise to 23% and the Hispanic share would go up to 32% in 2050.

• Under a lower- or higher-immigration scenario, the dependency ratio would range from 75 dependents per 100 people of working age to 69 dependents per 100 people of working age. Both of these ratios are well above the current value of 59 dependents per 100 people of working age.

Source: Pew Research Center – 2008